Spanish Parliament member Jon Iñarritu believes that deepening relations between the Republic of Armenia and the European Union is a continuous and natural process, but it requires careful political calculations.
The lawmaker expressed confidence that if Armenia applies for EU membership in the future and meets the necessary conditions, Brussels will, in essence, have to assess that application.
In an interview with an “Armenpress” correspondent, the politician touched upon a number of issues on the Armenia-EU agenda, while emphasizing that Yerevan should take into account the regional balance of power, since rapprochement with Europe may create new opportunities but also cause tensions, especially in relations with Russia.
Mr. Iñarritu, in your opinion, what has driven the unprecedented intensification of relations between Armenia and the European Union recently, and how would you assess the current level of these relations?
Given the resolutions adopted by European institutions, as well as the initiatives undertaken by the Armenian Parliament, it is natural that relations between Armenia and the European Union continue to deepen.
One should also remember Armenia’s long-standing historical and cultural ties with Europe, as well as the important role of the Armenian diaspora in many EU member states. These communities have often served as a bridge between Armenia and Europe. Ultimately, the future of these relations should be determined by the Armenian people. If they decide to move closer to the European Union, that choice must be respected. If Armenia officially applies for membership in the future and fulfills the necessary conditions, then the European Union will have to assess that application, just as it would the application of any other candidate country.
The President of the European Commission visited Armenia and Azerbaijan on July 2. How symbolic and how practical was Ursula von der Leyen’s visit, and what can it bring to bilateral relations?
I think the visit was primarily intended to reaffirm the European Commission’s commitment to stability, dialogue, and lasting peace in the South Caucasus. The significance of the visit was both symbolic and practical. It carried a clear signal that the European Union intends to remain actively engaged in the region, while also creating an opportunity to deepen political dialogue, encourage regional cooperation, and explore new areas of economic, institutional, and diplomatic cooperation with Armenia.
We have heard similar statements from other European leaders as well.
There is also a broad European consensus that a lasting peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan is essential for the stability and prosperity of the South Caucasus.
In your view, how could Armenia’s European orientation change the balance of power in the South Caucasus?
Closer relations between Armenia and the EU may provide Yerevan with greater strategic autonomy, but at the same time they may also create tensions in relations with other regional powers, especially Russia. We should not forget the lessons learned from the situation in Ukraine.
Therefore, the ultimate impact on the regional balance will depend on whether Armenia’s European integration is perceived as a cooperative process that contributes to regional stability, rather than as part of a broader geopolitical confrontation.
Do you consider it possible for Armenia to successfully pursue a balanced foreign policy while simultaneously deepening relations with the EU and maintaining cooperation with the Russian Federation?
Honestly, I think this will be extremely difficult. Russia has traditionally viewed the South Caucasus as part of its sphere of influence, and previous attempts by countries such as Georgia to move closer to the West had serious consequences.
The war in Ukraine has made this geopolitical tension more obvious. Could Armenia face similar pressure? We cannot ignore the lessons learned from Ukraine, and we must not forget that Armenia has already paid a very high price in Artsakh. The European Union is not NATO, and closer relations with Brussels should not automatically be interpreted as a military or defense realignment.
However, we must also remember that Turkey is a key NATO member and a major regional player, which inevitably complicates Armenia’s strategic choices.
Nevertheless, I fear that Vladimir Putin’s Russia will not take kindly to a decisive Armenian step toward Europe. Armenia cannot change its geographical position and must take the regional balance of power into account. At the same time, it is a sovereign state, and it must be free to choose its own future. These two principles do not contradict each other, but Armenian politicians must weigh all the relevant political, economic, and security considerations with great caution.
To what extent could the EU’s announced economic support packages and trade preferences change Armenia’s economic opportunities?
I think these measures can provide a significant economic boost and create valuable opportunities for both Armenia and the European Union. They can encourage investment, improve access to European markets, support the modernization of infrastructure and institutions, and stimulate the development of new sectors of Armenia’s economy.
More broadly, such initiatives can help build long-term partnerships and lay the groundwork for future joint projects. These benefits do not necessarily have to be limited to Armenia alone; they can also contribute to greater prosperity, connectivity, and stability in the South Caucasus, while strengthening the EU’s economic and political presence in the region.
At the same time, we must not lose sight of the fact that Russia remains Armenia’s main economic partner, and that Armenia is a member of the Eurasian Economic Union. These are structural realities that cannot be ignored and must be taken into account in any further rapprochement with the European Union.

















