Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, also known as 'Bibi,' has at times been listed as a populist leader who has mobilized the support of his economically poor and culturally marginalized population against the ruling globalist elites, supposedly representing forgotten people who hold traditional values in contrast to the secular, westernized population who feel more comfortable in New York and London than in the small towns of their countries, The National Interest reported.
Narendra Modi in India, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, Lech Kaczynski in Poland and Vladimir Putin in Russia epitomized this kind of populism with their political careers and behavior, their commitment to religious values, their yearning for a mythical past and their rejection of modern liberal values, especially multiculturalism, gay rights and secularism.
But this is not Bibi, who is the proud resident of the Tel Aviv State, the cosmopolitan urban area stretching from Tel Aviv to Haifa that the country's intellectuals and high-tech industry call home. Indeed, Bibi is a millionaire living in the wealthy suburb of Caesarea.
Raised in the United States, Netanyahu is a graduate of MIT, speaks fluent American English and prefers to chat with his pals in the Washington-New York-Boston corridor and Silicon Valley rather than with the lower middle class misrahim (immigrants from Arab countries) who live on the socio-economic fringes of Israel and constitute the voting base of his Likud party.
Three times married, Netanyahu rarely attends synagogue, and he has been accused of eating non-kosher food, dragged into "pork" and "shrimp" scandals. Bibi probably treats the ultra-Orthodox who help him get a majority in the Knesset as former President Donald Trump did when it comes to his evangelical Christian supporters: with contempt.
All this raises questions about Netanyahu's hopes for his new coalition government, which includes radical ethno-religious and homophobic politicians, including Itamar Ben-Gvir, a follower of the late Rabbi Meir Hanna, and extreme right-wing politician Betsalel Smotrich, as well as leading ultra-Orthodox parties could turn Israel into a Jewish copy of a theocratic Iran.
The appointment of Knesset Speaker Meir Ohana, an openly gay Mizrahi who is married to a man and raising two children, is clearly not a sign that the new government intends to persecute members of the LGBT community. In fact, much of the controversial legislation proposed by the religious parties is unlikely to get the support of the largely secular Likud lawmakers.
As with Trump and Johnson, Netanyahu's resurgence as a populist and his partnership with politicians who transcend propriety reflect his opportunism.
It is no secret that Bibi would have preferred to form a coalition with the leaders of the two centrist parties, Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz. But they refused to join a government led by a politician facing criminal charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust. Partnering with the two far-right activists was the only way for Bibi to become prime minister.
But Netanyahu believes that regardless of trial or no trial, with Itamar Ben-Gvir or Gantz, his mission in life is still to save Israel and the Jewish people from the global forces that oppose them and seek their destruction.
Recognizing that President Joe Biden and his aides will not give him the green light to attack Iran's nuclear facilities and may even try to revive the nuclear deal with Iran, Netanyahu believes that the only way to change the status quo and force the Americans, and the West, to confront the Islamic Republic before it is too late is to form a diplomatic and military front with Saudi Arabia and its Arab-Sunni allies. According to press reports, Netanyahu has met in the past with Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) and discussed the potential for cooperation between Saudis and Israelis in containing the common Iranian threat
In Israel, it was hoped that in addition to facilitating trade and investment, the so-called Abrahamic agreements would be the first step in a NATO-style rapid reaction force made up of Israel and the Gulf states, or perhaps an agreement such as the Asian Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad, which involves US-led cooperation.
But since the signing of the Abrahamic Accords, the world has changed in such a way that both the Israelis and the Saudis have to consider the new international reality, in which growing U.S. military commitments in Europe and Asia are reducing the U.S. ability to maintain its long-term presence in the Middle East. These developments make it unlikely that Washington would be willing to go to war against Iran if it decided to build a nuclear bomb.
At the same time, growing tensions between MBS and Biden over Saudi Arabia's refusal to pump more oil to lower global energy prices amid the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war and Western sanctions have put Riyadh in a very difficult position. Saudi Arabia is trying to balance its economic interests, which conflict with those of the United States, with its constant dependence on U.S. military support.
Moreover, the Saudis are facing growing hostility in Washington from members of the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, who in response to Saudi human rights abuses are calling for a review of the U.S. partnership with the Saudis. As it turns out, they are also calling for a reassessment of the U.S. "special relationship" with Israel.
MBS and Bibi, Trump's close friends, probably understand that there will be no Trump revival in 2024 and that they will, at the very least, have to find ways to work with Democrats in Washington. From this perspective, Israel and Saudi Arabia have an interest in seeing the United States continue its military involvement in the Middle East. But at the same time, they must also prepare for the likelihood that the Americans will begin to reduce their military commitments in the region and create a strategic vacuum, requiring the Israelis and the Arab Gulf states to maintain a common military front to contain Iran.
It is believed that the MBS will refrain from establishing full diplomatic relations with Israel as long as its father, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, an Arab nationalist and longtime supporter of the Palestinian cause, lives. But it is possible that, in the face of a changing global and regional balance of power, MBS would be more inclined to take steps toward diplomatic détente with Israel, which could help it repair its tattered reputation in Washington. Moreover, the image of MBS and Netanyahu signing a peace agreement at the White House would be seen as a major diplomatic triumph for Biden and would reduce the chances that the Americans would renew the Iran nuclear deal.
A peace agreement with Saudi Arabia would certainly signify a political victory for Netanyahu, diverting attention from the controversial cabinet members and his unstable coalition, which may not last more than a year.
It is doubtful, however, that the MBS will agree to a deal with Netanyahu without some concessions on the Palestinian question, such as re-committing Israel to a two-state solution and keeping the status of the holy sites in Jerusalem open for negotiations. But this could actually turn out to be a good political move for Bibi. By making concessions to the Arabs, he would leave Ben-Gvir and Smotrich no choice but to leave the cabinet and open the door for Gantz and Lapid to join him in ensuring that the Knesset approves the peace agreement with the Saudis and can form a national government.
In this way, the Saudi prince may hold the key to the political survival of Bibi and his government, demonstrating how rapidly the Middle East is changing.
