Domestic Policy

A final report of the ad hoc parliamentary commission set up to investigate the tragic events in Yerevan on March 1-2, 2008, proved to be a key domestic political event in Armenia this week. An extensive 138-page report was supposed to provide answers to the most important questions of public concern that are still the catalyst for domestic political tension: who is responsible for the most serious civil conflict in the history of independent Armenia and for the death of eight demonstrators and two servicemen? The commission’s report did not provide an answer to the second part of the question. Admitting the fact that the persons responsible for the ten deaths had not yet been identified, the commission made an absurd statement on all the necessary measures implemented by the Armenian law-enforcement agencies.

Meanwhile, the Opposition press and a report prepared by two members of the dissolved fact-finding expert group name four policemen who used Cheremukha-7 gas thereby killing three demonstrators. However, they have not so far been held responsible. Moreover, they are still serving in the police troops. The investigative agency’s argument is that the officer(s) responsible for the death of demonstrators cannot be accurately identified. The ad hoc parliamentary commission made a high appraisal of the “hard” work – which is actually beneath all criticism — carried out by the special investigation group. Listening to the report read out by Samvel Nikoyan, one of the outstanding members of the ruling Republican Party of Armenia (RPA), one gets the impression that the authors either failed or, for political reasons, did not want, to understand the purpose of the ad hoc commission: instead of providing factual answers to the questions of public concerns, the extensive document contains numerous political assessments, which has repeatedly been done the authorities. The commission’s wish to lay the whole blame on the Opposition runs all through the report. Otherwise it is impossible to understand the commission’s opinion on the “legally acceptable” actions of the police and internal troops, which claimed human lives. Most of the victims’ relatives gave a sharp response to the report: they picketed the Parliament, carrying their killed relatives’ pictures. Like the Opposition, the victims’ relatives insist on international experts being involved in the investigation. Thus, the commission’s report, and the cynical behavior of its chairman, enabled the Armenian Opposition to justify its own refusal to take part in the commission’s work.

Moreover, the Armenian authorities missed one more chance to start a dialogue with the chief Opposition force in Armenia, Armenian National Congress (ANC), led by Levon Ter-Petrosyan at the moment that the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement and Nagorno-Karabakh settlement processes are at their active stage. No wonder, then, that at the ANC-held rally attended by thousands of people this Friday, the ANC leader Ter-Petrosyan severely criticized the commission’s report

This week has seen an eventual finish of the “resignation history” of “disfavored” oligarch Khachatur Sukiasyan and of the founder of the Heritage Party Raffi Hovhannisyan. The very first day of the RA Parliament’s autumn session, Speaker Hovik Abramyan read out their resignations. Although the Regulations of the RA National Assembly allow them “to change their minds” within 15 days, it should not be expected in the context of the previous statements. The question of vacancies remains open now. In the first case (Khachatur Sukiasyan) nothing special should be expected: a by-election will be held in election district #10 (the Center community of Yerevan), and another oligarch – this time one close to the authorities – will enjoy parliamentary immunity. As regards the second case (Raffi Hovhannisyan), the situation appears rather complicated: Movses Aristakesyan, who was expelled from the Heritage Party on September 9 as a result of a party split, ranks second in the party ticket. Aristakesyan himself disagreed with the Board’s decision and stated his intention to remain in Parliament. Time will show whether he will be able to withstand the party’s pressure or will have to refuse to accept his nomination.

The RA Central Electoral Commission (CEC) fixed a date, December 6, for by-elections in two constituencies, with Sasun Mikaelyan and Hakob Hakobyan being their respective representatives. Speaker of the RA Parliament Hovik Abramyan addressed a letter to the CEC, proposing that the two Parliament members, as well as Myasnik Malkhasyan, be unseated. The last named was elected to Parliament on a RPA ticket, so a by-election is not necessary in this case. All the three have been unseated, as court verdicts on them are in effect. Two of them, Hakob Hakobyan and Myasnik Malkhasyan, were amnestied, which, however, does not matter now. The former Parliament members, who supported Levon Ter-Petrosyan at last year’s presidential election, were convicted of organizing riots on March 1, 2008. Sasun Mikaelyan was also convicted of criminal possession of arms.

This week the RA Court of Cassation returned a verdict of not guilty on the active oppositionist Armen Sargsyan, who was sentenced to four years of imprisonment for having been “immediately involved in the riots.” It is noteworthy that the highest judicial authority formerly refused to consider criminal cases relevant to post-election processes, to say nothing of verdicts of not guilty.

Nagorno-Karabakh peace process

This week has seen the commencement of an active stage in domestic political consultations on the initialed Armenian-Turkish Protocols on normalizing bilateral relations. The Nagorno-Karabakh peace process has been in the background. The three key events are worthy of note: RA President Serzh Sargsyan’s meeting with the leaders of political parties this Thursday; a rally of the opposition Armenian National Congress (ANC) this Friday; actions of protest by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation since this Tuesday.

The Armenian President’s meeting with the country’s political elite was to be a key event, but the leading opposition forces played down its importance: not only the ANC, but also the Heritage Party refused to participate in the meeting. Nonetheless, the meeting was a suitable occasion for the President to specify his positions and for as many political forces as possible to be involved. In his opening address the President admitted the fact that he sees certain risks of the present stage of normalization of Armenian-Turkish relations. He proposed sharing concerns for the sides to be able to harmonize their points of view. “If we are to normalize our relations with Turkey some day, our societies’ involvement is a necessary complement to the political will of the Armenian and Turkish leaders. Otherwise, the problem is impossible to solve,” the President said, arguing for open negotiations. The President made it clear he disagrees with the argument for amending the initialed Armenian-Turkish Protocols before they are signed. “I think that the explanations for some of the points in the documents will remain unconvincing for some people, though, I am sure, any doubts are hardly possible in case of an impartial and comprehensive analysis,” the Armenian leader said. President Serzh Sargsyan does not think that establishing diplomatic relations with Turkey and reopening the border is a “minimal” or “maximum” program of action. The end of these processes implies the creation of minimum conditions for starting a dialogue with Turkey especially because “we have to settle numerous issues of normalizing the Armenian-Turkish relations – from political and economic to historical ones.”

On Friday evening, after a rather long interval, the Armenian National Congress (ANC) held a rally attended by thousands of supporters in Yerevan. The ANC leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan made an analysis of the current stage of the Armenian-Turkish rapprochement. It is noteworthy that, instead of making a detailed analysis of the Armenian-Turkish Protocols, Ter-Petrosyan focused on the unfavorable aspects of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. The Opposition leader expressed the confidence that a real breakthrough in the Armenian-Turkish relations, including the reopening of borders, is possible only after the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been settled or, rather, after serious progress has been recorded in the process. Ter-Petrosyan once again voiced fears that a settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in favor of the Armenian side is impossible with the “incumbent illegitimate authorities.” According to him, the only way of saving the situation is President Serzh Sargsyan’s resignation. The Opposition leader made a noteworthy statement: in case President Sargsyan resigns, he will not run for presidency provided Robert Kocharyan does not either.

This Tuesday, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) launched actions of protest in Republic Square. The ARF believes them to be among most important components of the domestic political consultations on the Armenian-Turkish Protocols. However, from the very first days of the sit-in and hunger-strike one had the impression that the organizers themselves were not quite serious about their own actions. Initially there was a complete mess in the situation as to the ARF leaders and faction members’ participation in the hunger-strike. It proved to be one more instance of the ARF’s traditionally inconsistent policy: everybody promised that an ARF leader would joint the hunger-strike, but no final decision was made. The ARF’s inconsistent policy was even more manifest in the demands put forward by the action participants. Demanding the Armenian Foreign Minister’s resignation, the ARF advanced a number of unconvincing reasons for its unwillingness to struggle for the resignation of President Serzh Sargsyan, who, under RA Constitution, is responsible for Armenia’s foreign policy. The head of the ARF parliamentary faction went on even further by staunchly defending the Armenian President. At a press conference he stated that the President was for normalizing the Armenian-Turkish relations without preconditions, but the Government put him in an awkward situation. As a result, although the actions of protest against the content of the Armenian-Turkish Protocols are of importance – at least to demonstrate the plurality of opinions to the international community – the actions in the center of Yerevan are more like attempts (though futile ones because of permanent inability or unwillingness to assume clear and unequivocal positions) to gain a solid footing in the opposition political arena.

Vardan Oskanyan, who was RA Foreign Minister under President Robert Kocharyan for a number of years, openly criticized the Protocols as he “gradually arrived at the conclusion that it is an imposed document.” Oskanyan also dared speak favorably about Levon Ter-Petrosyan though, during last year’s presidential election, his relations with Armenia’s first President were, to put it mildly, not “quite good”: Oskanyan was a staunch supporter of Robert Kocharyan and welcomed the authorities’ measures against the Opposition and its leader. Oskanyan also pointed out that, in contrast to the incumbent authorities, Ter-Petrosyan was strongly against Turkey’s preconditions in 1992. Of course, a person who was Minister of Foreign Affairs for many years, was supposed to “take the floor” at a crucial moment. However, the most important question remained: if Armenia’s incumbent authorities have to sign previously initialed documents, who is responsible for getting the country into the current state of affairs during the period when the same Mr. Vardan Oskanyan was part of the power structure?

Economy and social life

By a majority vote the RA Parliament adopted the Government-propose amendments to Armenia’s tax laws. The amendments were withdrawn during the spring session of the RA Parliament. The Government’s initiatives evoked oligarch MPs’ violent reaction. They objected to the institution of tax authorities’ representatives in Armenia’s large companies. RA Deputy Minister of Finance Suren Karayan stated that the Government considered all the proposals made by the relevant parliamentary commission. Specifically, tax officers will not conduct inspections at storehouses, but will only be entitled to observe the process of acceptance of goods. The Government hopes the new law will seriously increase tax revenues.

The United States will allocate U.S. $2.3m to Armenia for a drug trafficking control program and legal reforms. Relevant protocols were signed by U.S. Ambassador to Armenia Marie Yovanovitch and RA Prosecutor General Aghvan Hovsepyan. The U.S. diplomat stated that the USA has allocated a total of U.S. $12mln to Armenia under a program of assistance to the RA law-enforcement system.

The U.S. funds are also intended for modernization of the RA Institute of Forensic Examination and Financial Monitoring Center of the Central Bank of Armenia (CBA).

RA Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan attended the presentation of the 2009 Armenian national competitiveness report prepared by the Economy & Values expert center. The RA Government’s press service reported that the report contains assessments of innovative activity in Armenia as compared with other countries, stressing its role in building science-intensive economy. The RA Premier made a high appraisal of the work and expressed hope that the report would give impetus to economic reforms.